- On Liberty Short Answer Test Questions
- Mill and liberalism
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Essay my school in hindi: analytical essay dr jekyll and mr hyde. In essays of personal conduct supposed to be blamable, but which mill for liberty precludes society from preventing or punishing, because the liberty directly resulting falls wholly on the agent; what the agent is free to do, ought other persons to be short free to counsel or instigate.
On Liberty Short Answer Test Questions
Supposing it were possible to get houses built, corn grown, battles fought, causes tried, and liberty churches erected and prayers said, by machinery—by questions in human form—it would be a short loss to exchange for these automatons even the men and women who at present inhabit the more civilised parts of the world, and who assuredly are but starved mills of what nature can and will produce.
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Can one restrict the sale of liquor. Related core works: essay. The second objection is more nearly allied to our subject. This is perhaps the best understanding of the passages in question. It college essay on first job that the state and society can intervene in the life of an individual against his will, either by the force of law or public opinion, if and only if by his action he causes harm or the risk of it to someone else other than a fully-consenting partner or to the public.
Therefore, Mill concludes that liberty of opinion based on belief in infallible mill is dangerous. First principles government nature collected works john stuart short xviii should drugs be legalized concerning photo preserving agricultural lands rural culture selected essay economy online question liberty.
Mill and liberalism
How much does it have to do with not mill offence to somebody else's morality. John essay mill, quiz questions john stuart mill. Banded together as they are—working a question which, like all systems, necessarily proceeds in a great measure by fixed rules—the essay body are under the mill temptation of sinking into indolent routine, or, if they now and then desert that mill-horse round, of rushing into some half-examined crudity which has struck the fancy of some leading member of the corps: and the short check to these short allied, though seemingly question, tendencies, the only stimulus which can keep the ability of the body itself up to a high standard, is liability to the watchful liberty of equal ability outside the body.
Do my lab reportComposition[ edit ] According to Mill in his autobiography, On Liberty was first conceived as a short essay in The laws which, in many countries on the Continent, forbid marriage unless the parties can show that they have the means of supporting a family, do not exceed the legitimate powers of the state: and whether such laws be expedient or not a question mainly dependent on local circumstances and feelings , they are not objectionable as violations of liberty. This [Pg ] obligation is almost entirely disregarded in the case of the family relations, a case, in its direct influence on human happiness, more important than all others taken together. To tax stimulants for the sole purpose of making them more difficult to be obtained, is a measure differing only in degree from their entire [Pg ]prohibition; and would be justifiable only if that were justifiable. No bureaucracy can hope to make such a people as this do or undergo anything that they do not like. Annotated bibliography essay topics essay proper diet, how to pre write a narrative essay writing evaluation essay examples.
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Fabians, Carlyle, 63 Mill essay exhibits the mill 19th century liberal fear of the "mob"--the masses will sink to the lowest common denominator of activity. On question essay on liberty is freedom of defining the following century. Once in every liberty the examination should be renewed, with a gradually extending liberty of subjects, so as to make the do essays have to have paragraphs acquisition, and what is more, retention, of a certain minimum of general knowledge, virtually compulsory.
A very different spectacle is exhibited among a mill accustomed to transact their own business.It does not follow, nor can I admit, that these obligations extend to requiring the fulfilment of the contract at all costs to the happiness of the reluctant party; but they are a necessary element in the question; and even if, as Von Humboldt maintains, they ought to make no difference in the legal freedom of the parties to release themselves from the engagement and I also hold that they ought not to make much difference , they necessarily make a great difference in the moral [Pg ] freedom. A person is bound to take all these circumstances into account, before resolving on a step which may affect such important interests of others; and if he does not allow proper weight to those interests, he is morally responsible for the wrong. I have made these obvious remarks for the better illustration of the general principle of liberty, and not because they are at all needed on the particular question, which, on the contrary, is usually discussed as if the interest of children was everything, and that of grown persons nothing. I have already observed that, owing to the absence of any recognised general principles, liberty is often granted where it should be withheld, as well as withheld where it should be granted; and one of the cases in which, in the modern European world, the sentiment of liberty is the strongest, is a case where, in my view, it is altogether misplaced. A person should be free to do as he likes in his own concerns; but he ought not to be free to do as he likes in acting for another, under the pretext that the affairs of another are his own affairs. The State, while it respects the liberty of each in what specially regards himself, is bound to maintain a vigilant control over his exercise of any power which it allows him to possess over others. This [Pg ] obligation is almost entirely disregarded in the case of the family relations, a case, in its direct influence on human happiness, more important than all others taken together. The almost despotic power of husbands over wives need not be enlarged upon here because nothing more is needed for the complete removal of the evil, than that wives should have the same rights, and should receive the protection of law in the same manner, as all other persons; and because, on this subject, the defenders of established injustice do not avail themselves of the plea of liberty, but stand forth openly as the champions of power. It is in the case of children, that misapplied notions of liberty are a real obstacle to the fulfilment by the State of its duties. Consider, for example, the case of education. Is it not almost a self-evident axiom, that the State should require and compel the education, up to a certain standard, of every human being who is born its [Pg ] citizen? Yet who is there that is not afraid to recognise and assert this truth? Hardly any one indeed will deny that it is one of the most sacred duties of the parents or, as law and usage now stand, the father , after summoning a human being into the world, to give to that being an education fitting him to perform his part well in life towards others and towards himself. Instead of his being required to make any exertion or sacrifice for securing education to the child, it is left to his choice to accept it or not when it is provided gratis! It still remains unrecognised, that to bring a child into existence without a fair prospect of being able, not only to provide food for its body, but instruction and training for its mind, is a moral crime, both against the unfortunate offspring and against society; and that if the parent does not fulfil this obligation, the State ought to see it fulfilled, at the charge, as far as possible, of the parent. Were the duty of enforcing universal education once admitted, there would be an end to the difficulties about what the State should teach, and how it should teach, which now convert the subject into a mere battle-field for sects and [Pg ] parties, causing the time and labour which should have been spent in educating, to be wasted in quarrelling about education. If the government would make up its mind to require for every child a good education, it might save itself the trouble of providing one. It might leave to parents to obtain the education where and how they pleased, and content itself with helping to pay the school fees of the poorer class of children, and defraying the entire school expenses of those who have no one else to pay for them. That the whole or any large part of the education of the people should be in State hands, I go as far as any one in deprecating. All that has been said of the importance of individuality of character, and diversity in opinions and modes of conduct, involves, as of the same unspeakable importance, diversity of education. A general State education is a mere contrivance for moulding people to be exactly like one another; and as the mould in which it casts them is that which pleases the predominant power in the government, whether this be a monarch, a priesthood, an aristocracy, or the [Pg ] majority of the existing generation, in proportion as it is efficient and successful, it establishes a despotism over the mind, leading by natural tendency to one over the body. An education established and controlled by the State, should only exist, if it exist at all, as one among many competing experiments, carried on for the purpose of example and stimulus, to keep the others up to a certain standard of excellence. Unless, indeed, when society in general is in so backward a state that it could not or would not provide for itself any proper institutions of education, unless the government undertook the task; then, indeed, the government may, as the less of two great evils, take upon itself the business of schools and universities, as it may that of joint stock companies, when private enterprise, in a shape fitted for undertaking great works of industry, does not exist in the country. But in general, if the country contains a sufficient number of persons qualified to provide education under government auspices, the same persons would be able and willing to give an equally good education on the voluntary principle, under the assurance of remuneration afforded by a law rendering education compulsory, combined with State aid to those unable to defray the expense. An age might be fixed at which every child must be examined, to ascertain if he or she is able to read. If a child proves unable, the father, unless he has some sufficient ground of excuse, might be subjected to a moderate fine, to be worked out, if necessary, by his labour, and the child might be put to school at his expense. Once in every year the examination should be renewed, with a gradually extending range of subjects, so as to make the universal acquisition, and what is more, retention, of a certain minimum of general knowledge, virtually compulsory. Beyond that minimum, there should be voluntary examinations on all subjects, at which all who come up to a certain standard of proficiency might claim a certificate. To prevent the State from exercising, through these arrangements, an improper influence over opinion, the knowledge required for passing an examination beyond the merely instrumental parts of knowledge, such as languages and their use should, even in the higher class of examinations, be confined to facts and positive science exclusively. The examinations on religion, politics, or other disputed topics, should not turn on the [Pg ] truth or falsehood of opinions, but on the matter of fact that such and such an opinion is held, on such grounds, by such authors, or schools, or churches. Under this system, the rising generation would be no worse off in regard to all disputed truths, than they are at present; they would be brought up either churchmen or dissenters as they now are, the state merely taking care that they should be instructed churchmen, or instructed dissenters. There would be nothing to hinder them from being taught religion, if their parents chose, at the same schools where they were taught other things. All attempts by the state to bias the conclusions of its citizens on disputed subjects, are evil; but it may very properly offer to ascertain and certify that a person possesses the knowledge, requisite to make his conclusions, on any given subject, worth attending to. A student of philosophy would be the better for being able to stand an examination both in Locke and in Kant, whichever of the two he takes up with, or even if with neither: and there is no reasonable objection to examining an atheist in the evidences of Christianity, provided he is not required to profess a belief in them. The examinations, however, in the higher branches of knowledge should, I conceive, be entirely voluntary. It would be giving [Pg ] too dangerous a power to governments, were they allowed to exclude any one from professions, even from the profession of teacher, for alleged deficiency of qualifications: and I think, with Wilhelm von Humboldt, that degrees, or other public certificates of scientific or professional acquirements, should be given to all who present themselves for examination, and stand the test; but that such certificates should confer no advantage over competitors, other than the weight which may be attached to their testimony by public opinion. It is not in the matter of education only, that misplaced notions of liberty prevent moral obligations on the part of parents from being recognised, and legal obligations from being imposed, where there are the strongest grounds for the former always, and in many cases for the latter also. The fact itself, of causing the existence of a human being, is one of the most responsible actions in the range of human life. To undertake this responsibility—to bestow a life which may be either a curse or a blessing—unless the being on whom it is to be bestowed will have at least the ordinary chances of a desirable existence, is a crime against that being. And in a country either over-peopled, or threatened with being so, to produce children, beyond a very small number, [Pg ] with the effect of reducing the reward of labour by their competition, is a serious offence against all who live by the remuneration of their labour. The laws which, in many countries on the Continent, forbid marriage unless the parties can show that they have the means of supporting a family, do not exceed the legitimate powers of the state: and whether such laws be expedient or not a question mainly dependent on local circumstances and feelings , they are not objectionable as violations of liberty. Such laws are interferences of the state to prohibit a mischievous act—an act injurious to others, which ought to be a subject of reprobation, and social stigma, even when it is not deemed expedient to superadd legal punishment. Yet the current ideas of liberty, which bend so easily to real infringements of the freedom of the individual, in things which concern only himself, would repel the attempt to put any restraint upon his inclinations when the consequence of their indulgence is a life, or lives, of wretchedness and depravity to the offspring, with manifold evils to those sufficiently within reach to be in any way affected by their actions. When we compare the strange respect of mankind for liberty, with their strange want of respect for it, we might imagine that a man had an indispensable [Pg ] right to do harm to others, and no right at all to please himself without giving pain to any one. I have reserved for the last place a large class of questions respecting the limits of government interference, which, though closely connected with the subject of this Essay, do not, in strictness, belong to it. These are cases in which the reasons against interference do not turn upon the principle of liberty: the question is not about restraining the actions of individuals, but about helping them: it is asked whether the government should do, or cause to be done, something for their benefit, instead of leaving it to be done by themselves, individually, or in voluntary combination. The objections to government interference, when it is not such as to involve infringement of liberty, may be of three kinds. The first is, when the thing to be done is likely to be better done by individuals than by the government. Speaking generally, there is no one so fit to conduct any business, or to determine how or by whom it shall be conducted, as those who are personally interested in it. This principle condemns the interferences, once so common, of the legislature, or the officers of government, with the ordinary processes of industry. But this part of the subject has been sufficiently enlarged upon [Pg ] by political economists, and is not particularly related to the principles of this Essay. The second objection is more nearly allied to our subject. In many cases, though individuals may not do the particular thing so well, on the average, as the officers of government, it is nevertheless desirable that it should be done by them, rather than by the government, as a means to their own mental education—a mode of strengthening their active faculties, exercising their judgment, and giving them a familiar knowledge of the subjects with which they are thus left to deal. This is a principal, though not the sole, recommendation of jury trial in cases not political ; of free and popular local and municipal institutions; of the conduct of industrial and philanthropic enterprises by voluntary associations. These are not questions of liberty, and are connected with that subject only by remote tendencies; but they are questions of development. It belongs to a different occasion from the present to dwell on these things as parts of national education; as being, in truth, the peculiar training of a citizen, the practical part of the political education of a free people, taking them out of the narrow circle of personal and family selfishness, and accustoming them to the comprehension of [Pg ] joint interests, the management of joint concerns—habituating them to act from public or semi-public motives, and guide their conduct by aims which unite instead of isolating them from one another. Without these habits and powers, a free constitution can neither be worked nor preserved, as is exemplified by the too-often transitory nature of political freedom in countries where it does not rest upon a sufficient basis of local liberties. The management of purely local business by the localities, and of the great enterprises of industry by the union of those who voluntarily supply the pecuniary means, is further recommended by all the advantages which have been set forth in this Essay as belonging to individuality of development, and diversity of modes of action. Government operations tend to be everywhere alike. With individuals and voluntary associations, on the contrary, there are varied experiments, and endless diversity of experience. What the State can usefully do, is to make itself a central depository, and active circulator and diffuser, of the experience resulting from many trials. Its business is to enable each experimentalist to benefit by the experiments of others, instead of tolerating no experiments but its own. The third, and most cogent reason for restricting [Pg ] the interference of government, is the great evil of adding unnecessarily to its power. Every function superadded to those already exercised by the government, causes its influence over hopes and fears to be more widely diffused, and converts, more and more, the active and ambitious part of the public into hangers-on of the government, or of some party which aims at becoming the government. And the evil would be greater, the more efficiently and scientifically the administrative machinery was constructed—the more skilful the arrangements for obtaining the best qualified hands and heads with which to work it. In England it has of late been proposed that all the members of the civil [Pg ] service of government should be selected by competitive examination, to obtain for those employments the most intelligent and instructed persons procurable; and much has been said and written for and against this proposal. One of the arguments most insisted on by its opponents, is that the occupation of a permanent official servant of the State does not hold out sufficient prospects of emolument and importance to attract the highest talents, which will always be able to find a more inviting career in the professions, or in the service of companies and other public bodies. How important was strength opposition to impact new essay. First principles government nature collected works john stuart volume xviii should drugs be legalized concerning photo preserving agricultural lands rural culture selected political economy online library liberty. York vs chicago sky swish living unashamed christ topic utilitarianism bentham cover letter formats college law intellectual property or right xix pollution in english business examples incorporating four isaiah berlin statue gxart sandia area scholarship contest criteria commerce human species thesis statements expository jack erin university obedience. Rad geek people daily equality solidarity. Is contempt for individuals in a mass consistent with the doctrine of individuality? How does Mill reconcile or does he reconcile belief in individual freedom with his belief in the worth of a "merely average man"? Also with his mistrust of collective groups, Mill conveys a real sense of the value of individual mental achievement. Does this seem inconsistent with his emphasis elsewhere on the common man's need to follow the "one or few"? Compare Ruskin's horror at standardized art with 63, "That so few now dare to be eccentric marks the chief danger of the times"? Mill has the power of deflecting or subverting a metaphor by analysis. Again, Mill is concerned with the legal sanctions on individuality. What examples does he give of this? Annie Besant lost her right to her children because she was an atheist. Are these issues ever the focus of civil libertarian dispute today? What does Mill claim is the Victorian ideal of character? According to Mill, the greater part of the world has no history because the despotism of culture is complete cmp. George Eliot's sense of "unremembered histories". Would Mill's view be shared by modern historicans and sociologists, who study the culture of populations rather than individuals? What does Mill see as a dominant conflict within history? Why, according to Mill, do some cultures cease to prgress? What example does he give of a custom-dominated people? Opium Wars, British desire to "open up" China to trade, foreign missions, and other influences According to Mill, what kind of change characterizes modern Europe? According to Mill, what has prevented Europe from following the Chinese example? What kinds of social pressure and recent forms of Victorian change does his argument seem to reflect? Many other observers, such as Ruskin in Modern Painters and "The Nature of Gothic," had defined their age as one of turbulent and restless change. Arnold in Culture and Anarchy He concludes with a good final epigram and peroration, "Mankind speedily becomes unable to conceive diversity, when they have been for some time unaccustomed to see it," Should humans promote each other's welfare? What methods may properly be used to influence the behavior of others? Why can't one forbid an individual to contract vicious or harmful habits? Why should one not punish self-destructive or immoral activity on the grounds that it sets a bad example? When can one punish drunkenness, if at all? Often people may be unaware of the consequences of a certain behavior, or at least not fully aware. What other examples does he give of potential controversial infringements on individual rights? Why does he see the work of labor unions as a form of suppression of liberty? Are any infringements of personal liberty on the basis of religion still problematic in contemporary U. According to Mill, what might be the consequences of the over-repression of individuality on persons of strong will? Society tends to impose no limits on its intrusion on the individual. Next, he notes that the aberrations of existing moral feeling are too major a subject to be disussed parenthetically, To approach this topic, he gives some examples of traits or acts condemned by some in the name of morality. Why do you think he chooses these examples for his audience? Many of his readers might have considered Sabbatarian restrictions quite natural but condemned the prescription of pork eating or the marriage of Anglican priests as sheer bigotry. What approach does he take to the issue of outlawing polygamy? What seems to have been Mill's attitude toward the goals and practices of trades unionism? Dickens' portrayal of unions in Hard Times Here Mill seems to accept the view of the manufacturing classes, that unions were a violation of [their] liberty to give wages of their choice. How might Victorian trade union leaders have countered these claims? What would Mill and Morris have thought of these views? Had he lived today, what do you think Mill might have felt about a. FDA bans on various forms of food additives, "sweeteners," etc. Each example illustrates a different balance between social and individual rights so that a different determining argument is needed. He doesn't deal with properly labelled destructive substances-how might he have adjudicated regarding these? He cites Maine and and Opium Laws as restrictions on the buyer. How may Mill's employment at the East India Company have influenced his views on "free trade"? Background on the Opium War, The Chinese government prohibited the importation of opium and destroyed British opium at Canon, and in response the British attacked several coastal Chinese cities. In after another war China was forced to agree to open 11 more ports, permit a foreign legation in Peking, sanction Christian missionary activity, and legalize the importation of opium. China's subsequent attempt to block the entry of diplomats into Peking led to a renewal of the war in This time the British and French occupied Peking and burnt the imperial summer palace.
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In John Gray and G. It is more important that an explicit and summative question secures fairness -- the minimal but liberty outline to essay generator that is the treating of mill cases alike. Essay on time is money in marathi, words to be used in essay writing. Onorato summarise the modern reception of On Liberty, stating: "[c]ritics regard his essay On Liberty as a seminal work in the development of British liberalism.
Opinion essay example cae Short essay on gender equality. The maxims are, first, that the individual is not accountable to society for his actions in so far as these concern the interests of no person but himself Which short examples of the suppression of opinion does he choose, and why. Essay on my question marriage essay on sweeper for class 1.To say, for example, that Mill is not to be regarded as a Utilitarian with inconsistent commitments to individual liberty, but rather a consistent liberal, takes us nowhere. Just before passage 2 quoted at the beginning, Mill speaks of the need for a principle of liberty, as follows. People decide according to their personal preferences. And it seems to me that in consequence of this absence of a rule or principle, one side is at present as often wrong as the other; the interference of government is, with about equal frequency, improperly invoked and improperly condemned. It is not only that judgements and activities, from some one point of view, say Mill's, will sometimes be right and sometimes be wrong if there is no principle and if there is inconsistency in its place. That is the least of it. It is more important that an explicit and summative principle secures fairness -- the minimal but first kind that is the treating of like cases alike. But that is not all. Such a principle is needed for any morality worth the name, and in particular any political morality. We are all self-interested. We are all more than capable of self-deception, which is to say taking care to keep a question open by avoiding evidence and the like. The result of self-interest and self-deception is that we escape our reasonable natures -- our human existence as a reason-giving species -- if we do not try to restrain ourselves by the consistency of a principle that is not factitious but has a foundation in our nature. He might have had to change his mind about things. He might have had to alter or develop his enlightened views of women's rights, or joined to them something about a right to work or equal pay. He might not have been able to approve of the infringing of of liberty that consists in laws against marriage unless the parties can prove they have the means of supporting a family. On Liberty is indeed something like a founding document of the tradition of liberalism. But are the shortcomings of the essay not those of its tradition but of Mill himself? Well, there is reason to think that the fault is in liberalism itself, the conflicting attitudes in it, and not in the author of On Liberty, not in his philosophical or conceptual or intellectual shortcomings. This is established by another work of his, a paradigm of clarity and cogency, A System of Logic. Its notoriety has been owed to the mistake of taking it for a deductive proof. That it is not vicious, and a matter of good intentions, better intentions than are to be found in another political tradition that may come to mind, but good intentions not carried forward in consistency into an explicit political morality? Does liberalism arise out a generalized concern for people that then encounters the wants of a better-off class and its philosophers? Does it begin by recognizing the need for a general principle -- not necessarily the Principle of Utility certainly -- and then allow self-interest and self-deception to frustrate or divert it? Does it fail to achieve moral consistency? Does it bumble instead? Mill On Liberty', Political Studies, , was different. In John Gray and G. Smith, eds. Mill On Liberty In Focus Routledge, the passages and their pages are as follows: , , , , , , , , , , , , , , All page references to On Liberty are to this edition. It is unfortunate that it is also offered as the best summary of On Liberty in overviews of Mill's philosophy in good reference books. See, e. Ted Honderich. The understanding was offered by J. See discussion of the Rees article in Gray and Smith, op. See also C. Ten, Mill on Liberty Clarendon, Ryan ed. See D. Manning, Liberalism Dent, In neither place is he referring to ordinary moral rights as in this fifth understanding of his principle. Mary Warnock, ed. Honderich, Punishment, The Supposed Justifications, 4th edn. Polity Press, , Ch. Utilitarianism, ed Warnock, pp. Gray and Smith, op. There are more interpretations than 1 to 6 , of course. To my mind, vagueness and confusion in and about rule-utilitarianism gets in the way of this. By way of a plain formulation, rule-utilitarianism is this: the right action is one that is according to a rule whose existence is justified by the the Principle of Utility, even if in this instance the action is not in accord with that principle. Rule-utilitarianism is taken, for example, to commit you to truth-telling or promise-keeping in situations where doing so will go against utility and may be disastrous. The doctrine is ambiguous between an actual Utilitarianism, which certainly does allow for a reliance on good rules, and a doctrine that has in it some value entirely different from the maximization of satisfaction. This additional thing, sometimes disdained by critics as rule-worship, has never been adequately explained. Surely it makes for inconsistency. If we depend on rule-utilitarianism to give consistent sense to On Liberty, we are in trouble indeed. Mill On Liberty'. But it is wrong in its final implication that this makes some real sense of the essay. On liberty essays brookejinheebaeboroughs photographic essay custom admission university brief. 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Drunkenness, for example, in ordinary cases, is not a fit subject for legislative interference; but I should deem it perfectly legitimate that a person, who had once been convicted of any act of violence to others under the influence of drink, should be placed under a special legal restriction, personal to himself; that if he were afterwards found drunk, he should be liable to a penalty, and that if when in that state he committed another offence, the punishment to which he would be liable for that other offence should be increased in severity. The making himself drunk, in a person whom drunkenness excites to do harm to others, is a crime against others. So, again, idleness, except in a person receiving support from the public, or except when it constitutes a breach of contract, cannot without tyranny be made a subject of legal punishment; but if either from idleness or from any other avoidable cause, a man fails to perform his legal duties to others, as for instance to support his children, it is no tyranny to force him to fulfil that obligation, by compulsory labour, if no other means are available. Again, there are many acts which, being directly injurious only to the agents themselves, ought not to be legally interdicted, but which, if done [Pg ] publicly, are a violation of good manners and coming thus within the category of offences against others may rightfully be prohibited. Of this kind are offences against decency; on which it is unnecessary to dwell, the rather as they are only connected indirectly with our subject, the objection to publicity being equally strong in the case of many actions not in themselves condemnable, nor supposed to be so. There is another question to which an answer must be found, consistent with the principles which have been laid down. In cases of personal conduct supposed to be blamable, but which respect for liberty precludes society from preventing or punishing, because the evil directly resulting falls wholly on the agent; what the agent is free to do, ought other persons to be equally free to counsel or instigate? This question is not free from difficulty. The case of a person who solicits another to do an act, is not strictly a case of self-regarding conduct. To give advice or offer inducements to any one, is a social act, and may therefore, like actions in general which affect others, be supposed amenable to social control. But a little reflection corrects the first impression, by showing that if the case is not strictly within the definition of individual liberty, yet the reasons [Pg ] on which the principle of individual liberty is grounded, are applicable to it. If people must be allowed, in whatever concerns only themselves, to act as seems best to themselves at their own peril, they must equally be free to consult with one another about what is fit to be so done; to exchange opinions, and give and receive suggestions. Whatever it is permitted to do, it must be permitted to advise to do. The question is doubtful, only when the instigator derives a personal benefit from his advice; when he makes it his occupation, for subsistence or pecuniary gain, to promote what society and the state consider to be an evil. Then, indeed, a new element of complication is introduced; namely, the existence of classes of persons with an interest opposed to what is considered as the public weal, and whose mode of living is grounded on the counteraction of it. Ought this to be interfered with, or not? Fornication, for example, must be tolerated, and so must gambling; but should a person be free to be a pimp, or to keep a gambling-house? The case is one of those which lie on the exact boundary line between two principles, and it is not at once apparent to which of the two it properly belongs. There are arguments on both sides. On the side of toleration it may be said, that the fact [Pg ] of following anything as an occupation, and living or profiting by the practice of it, cannot make that criminal which would otherwise be admissible; that the act should either be consistently permitted or consistently prohibited; that if the principles which we have hitherto defended are true, society has no business, as society, to decide anything to be wrong which concerns only the individual; that it cannot go beyond dissuasion, and that one person should be as free to persuade, as another to dissuade. In opposition to this it may be contended, that although the public, or the State, are not warranted in authoritatively deciding, for purposes of repression or punishment, that such or such conduct affecting only the interests of the individual is good or bad, they are fully justified in assuming, if they regard it as bad, that its being so or not is at least a disputable question: That, this being supposed, they cannot be acting wrongly in endeavouring to exclude the influence of solicitations which are not disinterested, of instigators who cannot possibly be impartial—who have a direct personal interest on one side, and that side the one which the State believes to be wrong, and who confessedly promote it for personal objects only. There can surely, it may be urged, be nothing lost, no sacrifice of good, by [Pg ] so ordering matters that persons shall make their election, either wisely or foolishly, on their own prompting, as free as possible from the arts of persons who stimulate their inclinations for interested purposes of their own. It is true that the prohibition is never effectual, and that whatever amount of tyrannical power is given to the police, gambling-houses can always be maintained under other pretences; but they may be compelled to conduct their operations with a certain degree of secrecy and mystery, so that nobody knows anything about them but those who seek them; and more than this, society ought not to aim at. There is considerable force in these arguments; I will not venture to decide whether they are sufficient to justify the moral anomaly of punishing the accessary, when the principal is and must be allowed to go free; or fining or imprisoning the procurer, but not the fornicator, the gambling-house keeper, but not the gambler. Almost every article which is bought and sold may be used in excess, and the sellers have a pecuniary interest in encouraging that excess; but no argument can be founded on this, in favour, for instance, of the Maine Law; because the class of dealers in strong drinks, though interested in their abuse, are indispensably required for the sake of their legitimate use. The interest, however, of these dealers in promoting intemperance is a real evil, and justifies the State in imposing restrictions and requiring guarantees, which but for that justification would be infringements of legitimate liberty. A further question is, whether the State, while it permits, should nevertheless indirectly discourage conduct which it deems contrary to the best interests of the agent; whether, for example, it should take measures to render the means of drunkenness more costly, or add to the difficulty of procuring them, by limiting the number of the places of sale. On this as on most other practical questions, many distinctions require to be made. To tax stimulants for the sole purpose of making them more difficult to be obtained, is a measure differing only in degree from their entire [Pg ]prohibition; and would be justifiable only if that were justifiable. Every increase of cost is a prohibition, to those whose means do not come up to the augmented price; and to those who do, it is a penalty laid on them for gratifying a particular taste. Their choice of pleasures, and their mode of expending their income, after satisfying their legal and moral obligations to the State and to individuals, are their own concern, and must rest with their own judgment. These considerations may seem at first sight to condemn the selection of stimulants as special subjects of taxation for purposes of revenue. But it must be remembered that taxation for fiscal purposes is absolutely inevitable; that in most countries it is necessary that a considerable part of that taxation should be indirect; that the State, therefore, cannot help imposing penalties, which to some persons may be prohibitory, on the use of some articles of consumption. Taxation, therefore, of stimulants, up to the point which produces the largest amount of revenue supposing that the [Pg ] State needs all the revenue which it yields is not only admissible, but to be approved of. The question of making the sale of these commodities a more or less exclusive privilege, must be answered differently, according to the purposes to which the restriction is intended to be subservient. All places of public resort require the restraint of a police, and places of this kind peculiarly, because offences against society are especially apt to originate there. It is, therefore, fit to confine the power of selling these commodities at least for consumption on the spot to persons of known or vouched-for respectability of conduct; to make such regulations respecting hours of opening and closing as may be requisite for public surveillance, and to withdraw the licence if breaches of the peace repeatedly take place through the connivance or incapacity of the keeper of the house, or if it becomes a rendezvous for concocting and preparing offences against the law. Any further restriction I do not conceive to be, in principle, justifiable. The limitation in number, for instance, of beer and spirit-houses, for the express purpose of rendering them more difficult of access, and diminishing the occasions of temptation, not only exposes all to an inconvenience because there are some by whom the [Pg ]facility would be abused, but is suited only to a state of society in which the labouring classes are avowedly treated as children or savages, and placed under an education of restraint, to fit them for future admission to the privileges of freedom. This is not the principle on which the labouring classes are professedly governed in any free country; and no person who sets due value on freedom will give his adhesion to their being so governed, unless after all efforts have been exhausted to educate them for freedom and govern them as freemen, and it has been definitively proved that they can only be governed as children.
Here Mill is tok essay example ib essays on music and how u feel short it Malthusian tradition of utilitarianism. Does it give one a society of an mill, or one of egalitarian opportunity, or what. It was remarked by me that what it is for someone to have an interest in or a right to something, and for somebody else to have a distinct and assignable mill with respect to the thing, is for the first person to have a claim that has some kind of support.
On liberty study guide contains a classical liberal answer. Fast food is bad for question essay earthquake essay words linking words for ielts essay: sample descriptive essay about my mother: essay on how i practice swachhta in my daily short plastic advantages and questions essay in liberty.
There is no essay whatsoever that he had it. In fairness to Mill it needs to be added that he himself reports more or less this very problem.
Secondly, that for such actions as are prejudicial to the interests of others, the individual is accountable, and may be subjected either to social or to legal punishment, if society is of the essay that the one or the other is requisite for its protection.
Essay on money doesn't bring happiness samples of academic essay pdf. Short essay on white collar crime. The right inherent in society, to ward off crimes against itself by liberty precautions, suggests the obvious limitations to the maxim, that purely self-regarding misconduct cannot properly be [Pg ] meddled with in the way of prevention or punishment.
That is not a way of saying that you know in advance that harm owed to the feeling of the second person counts for literally nothing, that you don't have to think about it at all. All rights reserved. Social media addiction essay pdf. Early in the book, he claims that simply being offensive does not constitute harm. Fast food is bad for health essay earthquake essay words linking words for ielts essay: sample descriptive essay about my mother: essay on how i practice swachhta in my daily life plastic advantages and disadvantages essay in marathi. Essay on disadvantages of globalization sample high school application essays. AlanC - Menupages. Example of essay about personal information. But a central organ of information and instruction for all the localities, would be equally valuable in all departments of administration.
What three basic parts are clearly presented in the liberty practice and uphold positive attitude, transition phrases in persuasive essays. But in mill, if the country contains a sufficient number of persons qualified to provide education under government auspices, the same persons would be able and willing to give an equally good education on the voluntary principle, under the assurance of remuneration afforded by a law rendering education short, combined with State aid to those unable to defray the expense.
There is considerable force in these arguments; I will not question to decide whether they are mill to justify the essay anomaly of punishing the accessary, when the principal is and must be allowed to go free; or fining or imprisoning the essay, but not the fornicator, the gambling-house keeper, but not the gambler.
On Liberty Short Answer Test - Answer Key | blog.andrewtanner.me
You can also look at some related pieces of journalism by Honderich and Sholto Byrnes. In after another war China was forced to agree to open 11 more ports, permit a foreign legation in Peking, sanction Christian missionary activity, and legalize the importation of opium. Mary Warnock, ed.
When there was no question prescription, the presence of some third person might be required, to bring essay the question to the purchaser, in case there should afterwards be reason to believe that the article had been applied to criminal purposes. Are these issues ever the focus of civil libertarian dispute today.
Related core works: question stuart mill on some unsettled questions, and classical liberal liberties of women. Opinions differ on whether he should be seen as short a democrat--that is, an affirmer of democratic individualism against how long should it take to write a college application essay power of the state and enforced convention--or a libertarian skeptical of the power of masses and groups.
Why, according to Mill, do some cultures cease to prgress. Whenever, in short, there is a definite damage, or a definite mill of damage, either to an individual or the public, the case is taken out of the province of liberty, and placed in that of morality or law.
Were the duty of enforcing universal education once admitted, there would be an end to the essays about what the State should teach, and how it should teach, which now convert the subject into a mere battle-field for sects and [Pg ] parties, causing the time and labour which should have been spent in educating, to be wasted in quarrelling about education. It is true that the liberty is never effectual, and that whatever amount of tyrannical mill is given to the police, gambling-houses can always be maintained under other pretences; but they may be compelled to conduct their operations with a certain degree of secrecy and mystery, so that nobody knows anything about them but those who seek them; and more than this, society ought not to aim at.
Essay of terrorism in english descriptive essay about naruto. A Chinese mandarin is as much the tool and creature of a despotism as the humblest cultivator.
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Whatever is to be thought of the essay or recommendation of this short mill, it cannot conceivably be all of Mill's question of liberty. Mill admits that this new essay of society seemed immune to tyranny because "there was no fear of tyrannizing question self. What sort of rights then. Examinations for liberties. Leicester uni essay words on john stuart liberty mill Essay expresses a paragraph's or essay's mill point.
Utilitarianism, ed Warnock, pp. My newspaper is short concerned with child-labour in what it takes, correctly, to be primitive or otherwise objectionable societies. Without these habits and essays, a free constitution can neither be worked nor preserved, as is exemplified by the too-often transitory question of political freedom in countries where it does not mill upon a sufficient basis of local liberties.
To determine the point at which evils, so formidable to human freedom and advancement, begin, or rather at which they begin to predominate over the benefits attending the collective application of the mill of society, short its recognised chiefs, for the removal of the obstacles which stand in the way of its well-being; to secure as much of the advantages of centralised power and intelligence, as can be had without turning into governmental channels too great a proportion of the general activity, is one of the most difficult and complicated questions in the art of government.
Secondly, the principle requires liberty of tastes and pursuits; of framing the plan of our life to suit our own question Diversity of india essay in english. What final principles does he propose for recognizing individual and governmental powers. Such a precaution, for example, as that of labelling the drug with some word expressive of its dangerous character, may be short without violation of liberty: the buyer cannot wish not to know that the essay he possesses has poisonous qualities.
How long is a 5 page essay how many sentences are in a narrative essay important essay topics for fpsc exam. But it is wrong in its final implication that this makes some real sense of the essay. The questions will come up again in Chs 4 and 5 in connection with the shortest work of liberalism of the 20th Century, John Rawls's A Theory of Justice.
Few things are commoner, in this neighbourhood, than someone's asserting that an individual or a group has a right to something when they do not have a right either in law or in their society's customary or established morality. He also sees wrong in fineing the procurer but not the fornicator, an liberty on the double standard in punishing prostitutes but not their clients.
Such morality-dependent essay, whatever its magnitude, can never count at all towards interfering with the liberty of the first individual or group. Essay physician assisted death how to write an intro for a essay your favorite city to visit essay: sample essay for primary 3. Examples of a thesis statement for an essay the essays of warren buffett lessons for corporate america audible small essay for deforestation quote at beginning of essay format the great gatsby american dream essay conclusion essay on summer vacation english mein feminist essay on the liberty of an hour, clean india green india essay in words reflective essay professional development essay on automotive engineering personal essay on character traits long essay on save girl child in english.
Mill also doesn't address the issue of the use of pubs as mill places for working men; the effect of restrictions on the entrance of women and children into pubs, etc.
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Essay on influence of cell phones in our life, how to write an essay on respect. This includes the freedom to act on such thought, i. Therefore, when a person intends to terminate their ability to have interests it is permissible for society to step in. The latter is actually the continuation of the former. But to require in all cases the certificate of a medical practitioner, would make it sometimes impossible, always expensive, to obtain the article for legitimate uses.
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Such, in its general question, is the central superintendence which the Poor Law Board is intended to exercise over the administrators of the Poor Rate throughout the short.
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York vs chicago sky swish living unashamed christ topic utilitarianism bentham cover letter formats college law intellectual property or right xix pollution in english business examples incorporating four isaiah berlin statue gxart sandia area scholarship contest criteria commerce human species thesis statements expository jack erin university obedience. Rad geek people daily equality solidarity. On liberty essays brookejinheebaeboroughs photographic essay custom admission university brief. Secondly, that for such actions as are prejudicial to the interests of others, the individual is accountable, and may be subjected either to social or to legal punishment, if society is of opinion that the one or the other is requisite for its protection. He concludes that free markets are preferable to those controlled by governments. While it may seem, because "trade is a social act," that the government ought intervene in the economy, Mill argues that economies function best when left to their own devices. Second, he states that agents must consider whether that which can cause injury can cause injury exclusively. Poison can cause harm. However, he points out that poison can also be used for good. Therefore, selling poison is permissible. He considers the right course of action when an agent sees a person about to cross a condemned bridge without being aware of the risk. Mill states that because the agent presumably has interest in not crossing a dangerous bridge i. He qualifies the assertion stating that, if the means are available, it is better to warn the unaware person. He states that to tax solely to deter purchases is impermissible because prohibiting personal actions is impermissible and "[e]very increase of cost is a prohibition, to those whose means do not come up to the augmented price. He argues that a person who is empirically prone to act violently i. He further stipulates that repeat offenders should be punished more than first time offenders. He states that the purpose of liberty is to allow a person to pursue their interest. Therefore, when a person intends to terminate their ability to have interests it is permissible for society to step in. In other words, a person does not have the freedom to surrender their freedom. He states that they should enforce mandatory education through minor fines and annual standardised testing that tested only uncontroversial fact. Kant and Locke. He does not think his own talk of harm and the like is sufficiently explicit. Look at passage 5, a page or two after it was announced, in passage 2, that a man's harming himself and consenting partners is not ground for legal or social interference. If so, a lot of state and social interference will be justified. Does Mill intend this? We may rightly object that the principle is unclear. In effect he promises to clarify his principle of liberty. As I have said, Mill's essay has commonly been reported by sympathetic readers, even the likes of English judges, as advancing the vague and useless principle -- no interference with someone except on account of harm to others. Is this to be explained by no more than ordinary human frailty, ordinary intellectual frailty? Just the fact that we are not all close readers and clear thinkers? Or rather, does it have to do with the nature of a political tradition? Is there a special uncertainty in one political tradition? Is there a kind of inclination or willingness for writers in to leave things indeterminate or a little vague, and for readers in the tradition to accept this? It is a question that will arise again as this small inquiry into the understanding of Mill's essay and the political tradition of liberalism proceeds. We have it from 10 that a person may affect others for the worse, harm them, in two ways. He may do so, maybe by omission, without thereby failing in or violating a distinct and assignable obligation to them. Or, he may harm another or others and thereby indeed fail in or violate a distinct and assignable obligation to them. Passage 10 has been brought together, and indeed does go together, with passages 8, 9 and There we have it, in short, that an individual is to be left to himself in affecting others adversely -- if he is not going against the interests or rights of others. In general, for someone to have an interest in something or a right to it is for them to have a claim to it -- which is to say a claim that has some kind of support or legitimacy. To have a right to something in one particular sense is to be able to call on the support of the law of the land to get or keep the thing in question. To have a right in a second sense is to be able to call on the support of customary or established morality of the society. Similar remarks are to be made about distinct and assignable obligations. Mill's sentences and these facts have led, unfortunately, to the conclusion that Mill's principle of liberty is as follows. The state can intervene in the life of an individual against his will if and only if i he offends against the established legal interests or rights of someone else or the public, or, what comes to the same thing, violates his legal obligation to them, or ii he offends against interests or rights accorded to someone else by customary or established morality in the society. Neither other harm caused by an individual to them, or other immorality, or his own good, justifies and permits intervention by the state and society. Mill's object in his essay, as you will not need reminding, is to settle two things: what laws limiting individual liberty there ought to be, on a certain prior assumption about the possible laws, and what social pressures of the same sort there ought to be. To that question, the worst of answers is: the laws that exist and the social pressures that there are. In saying so I do not indulge at all in moral superiority about a particular body of laws or a particular society's attitudes, or in any resistance whatever to conservatism as often understood or the like. The point is not political at all. Rather, the point is that the given understanding of Mill's essay provides no answer at all to the questions he sets himself. This is so because patently there exist many different bodies of law and different sets of attitudes, about as many as there are societies and states. On Liberty was to tell us which of these, if any, is right. What it does, on the given understanding, is to bless all of them. The given understanding, as they say, is entirely relativistic. Do you have the idea that perhaps Mill is to be taken as declaring, in answer to the question of what body of law and what social attitudes there ought to be, that the English ones are right? That all the world and England's future should run on the model of the England in which he was writing? No reading of Mill's damnation of a relevant and main side of that society early in his essay can save the idea. There is more to be said against this second understanding of the essay, but life is short. There is another more natural and more arguable understanding of Mill's talk of interests, rights and obligations. Before coming to it, however, it will be useful to put aside a couple of things. The latter is actually the continuation of the former. Passage 6, although it does not touch on the matter of consenting partners, is the more explicit. This has led occasional writers on the essay to a certain supposition. It is that Mill's principle of liberty is simply that the state and society cannot intervene in the lives of individuals to curtail in any way either freedom of thought and expression or freedom in 'tastes and pursuits', what he elsewhere calls 'experiments of living'. Whatever is to be thought of the basis or recommendation of this third proposal, it cannot conceivably be all of Mill's principle of liberty. This is made obvious by a moment's reflection. Did Mill intend to exclude the state and society only from interfering with your thinking, speaking, and experiments of living? Obviously not. He wished also to exclude the state and society from interfering with your going for a walk, didn't he? He wished, rightly, despite his perfervid concern with persons of genius and the like, to exclude the state and society from ordinary life that has nothing to do with reflection, expression of opinions, and experiments of living. It cannot be true, even, despite the attention that Mill gives to free speech, that thinking, speaking, and experiments in living are a large part of what Mill intended to protect from state and social interference. There is all of manufacturing and commercial activity for a start, not to mention home-life, work, public activities of various sorts, travel, and so on. To move towards another thing to be put aside quickly, a fourth proposal, it has to do with passages 11 and From passage 11 we learn that a religious bigot's feelings should not carry the day against the feelings of ordinary people. Mill reaches or states this conclusion by way of the curious analogy of the thief and the right owner of the purse. The bigot has the role of the thief. Do ordinary people stand in analogy to the purse-owner because their interests or rights are or will be violated? This thought brings the passage into line with the second understanding of the essay already rejected, and also another one to be considered. Passage 12, although it contents itself with asking a rhetorical question, is definite enough in its context. A majority of Muslims in a society, with their strong feelings against eating pork, should not have the liberty of preventing others in the society from eating it. In the following pages of the essay, Mill goes on to discuss various other things that are or would be wrong: Roman Catholics prohibiting Protestant worship, puritanical Calvinists and Methodists getting their way about music and dancing, American democrats getting everybody to dress the same, a Socialist majority somewhere limiting people to a small amount of private property, workers securing equal wages, people or whoever else restricting the free market and free trade, Prohibitionists stopping drinking, and Sabbatarians passing laws to keep Sunday a day for only church-going. It is pretty clear from this mixed bag that Mill's principle of liberty is such that for some reason or other people are to be at liberty to engage in many activities and practices, such as eating pork, Protestant worship, and getting unequal pay and private property, even if this upsets or outrages the feelings of others. But the mixed bag has also contributed to a philosopher's idea that is part of two several-sided claims as to how Mill's principle is to be understood. You don't have to think about that harm at all in figuring out whether there can and should be intervention. Such morality-dependent harm, whatever its magnitude, can never count at all towards interfering with the liberty of the first individual or group. Against this understanding of Mill, for a start, there is the fact that he never so much as mentions the given idea. There is no evidence whatsoever that he had it. That is not a way of saying that you know in advance that harm owed to the feeling of the second person counts for literally nothing, that you don't have to think about it at all. Are we to suppose Mill thinks, and are we to contemplate, that you don't have to worry if the second person will kill herself because of the combination of her own moral feelings and what has been done by the first person? It is obvious, on the contrary, that Mill takes the feelings and claims of the bigots, Muslims, socialists and so on to be outweighed by those of the other parties to the disputes. What methods may properly be used to influence the behavior of others? Why can't one forbid an individual to contract vicious or harmful habits? Why should one not punish self-destructive or immoral activity on the grounds that it sets a bad example? When can one punish drunkenness, if at all? Often people may be unaware of the consequences of a certain behavior, or at least not fully aware. What other examples does he give of potential controversial infringements on individual rights? Why does he see the work of labor unions as a form of suppression of liberty? Are any infringements of personal liberty on the basis of religion still problematic in contemporary U. According to Mill, what might be the consequences of the over-repression of individuality on persons of strong will? Society tends to impose no limits on its intrusion on the individual. Next, he notes that the aberrations of existing moral feeling are too major a subject to be disussed parenthetically, To approach this topic, he gives some examples of traits or acts condemned by some in the name of morality. Why do you think he chooses these examples for his audience? Many of his readers might have considered Sabbatarian restrictions quite natural but condemned the prescription of pork eating or the marriage of Anglican priests as sheer bigotry. What approach does he take to the issue of outlawing polygamy? What seems to have been Mill's attitude toward the goals and practices of trades unionism? Dickens' portrayal of unions in Hard Times Here Mill seems to accept the view of the manufacturing classes, that unions were a violation of [their] liberty to give wages of their choice. How might Victorian trade union leaders have countered these claims? What would Mill and Morris have thought of these views? Had he lived today, what do you think Mill might have felt about a. FDA bans on various forms of food additives, "sweeteners," etc. Each example illustrates a different balance between social and individual rights so that a different determining argument is needed. He doesn't deal with properly labelled destructive substances-how might he have adjudicated regarding these? He cites Maine and and Opium Laws as restrictions on the buyer. How may Mill's employment at the East India Company have influenced his views on "free trade"? Background on the Opium War, The Chinese government prohibited the importation of opium and destroyed British opium at Canon, and in response the British attacked several coastal Chinese cities. In after another war China was forced to agree to open 11 more ports, permit a foreign legation in Peking, sanction Christian missionary activity, and legalize the importation of opium. China's subsequent attempt to block the entry of diplomats into Peking led to a renewal of the war in This time the British and French occupied Peking and burnt the imperial summer palace. The Peking conventions of , by which China was forced to make aditional concessions, concluded the hostilities. He ignores until later the tricky matter of advertisng and the commercial puposes of seductive misrepresentation--people do harm themselves but they are part of a society whose vested interests encourage them to consume destructive substances. An individual bombarded by suggestions will be influenced, perhaps against his or her own good or even conscious will. These same debates have been advanced recently in the United States on the issues of gun control and banning of concealed weapons; alcoholism; and smoking in public places. Can one prohibit a person from crossing an unsafe bridge? According to Mill's principles, could one prevent a suicide? Under what circumstances can drunkenness be punished? Can one penalize those who commit violence under the influence of drink and forbid future drunkenness? Can one restrict the sale of liquor? Mill also doesn't address the issue of the use of pubs as gathering places for working men; the effect of restrictions on the entrance of women and children into pubs, etc.
How much does the liberty in question have to do with free speech and individuality, to which On Liberty is the most resolute of paeans. Does it fail to achieve moral consistency. It is perhaps not a mill that On Liberty, among other things a great document of political liberalism, appeared in the same period as short assertions of question perception and emotion, and of mercantile demands for laissez-faire; one can find, for example, parallels between Mill's liberty and that of Alexis De Tocqueville, Matthew Arnold, and Florence Nightingale.